Inge
Sargent: Her Life as a Shan Princess
By Khin
Oo
[Editor’s Note: Khin Oo
presents a detailed look at the life of Inge Sargent, who as a young Austrian
woman studying in the United
States in the early 1950s, married a Shan
Prince who took her back home to Burma. Khin Oo’s article includes a review of
Sargent’s 1994 autobiography followed by a lengthy interview with Sargent about
her remarkable life and continuing service to Burma.]
Inge Sargent. Twilight
over Burma: My life as a Shan Princess. Honolulu:
University of Hawaii Press, 1994.
Inge,
a young Austrian woman, fell in love with a Shan man from Burma named, Sao Kya Seng, in Colorado where they both attended university
in the early 1950s. They got married in March 1953 and Inge decided to begin
her new life in her husband’s native land. When she saw hundreds of
well-wishers at the Rangoon
harbor in 1954, she wondered whether there was any important person aboard
ship. She was overwhelmed with great anxiety when she learned that these people
were waiting for their foreign born princess, who was married to their prince
of Hsipaw,[1]and
that happened to be her. She describes her amazement in her biography Twilight over Burma: My life as a Shan Princess:
Inge tried to
appear calm and collected, although she felt anxious and insecure. She wished
she had been able to prepare herself for the role awaiting her at the other end
of the gangway. For the first time since they were married, she felt resentful
towards her husband…. Overwhelmed and confused, Inge tried to prevent tears
from blurring her vision. The intense midday
heat and emotional strain combined in making her feel uncomfortable. She cast a
grudging glance at Sao, wishing she was dressed more appropriately. This was
her first encounter with the people that would be her family, friends, and
perhaps, enemies. They looked so much more foreign and mysterious than she had
imagined, and she wondered if she would be able to understand what lay behind
their smiles. (P. 15)
Upon
his return from the United
States where he received a Western education
and had acquired a taste of life in a democratic system, Sao began to work hard
to provide a safe and prosperous haven for the Shan people of Hsipaw. He
brought in new ideas and technology to the old feudal system of the Shan state.
Moreover, he gave away all his family’s paddy fields to the farmers who
cultivated them–an act considered very radical at that time. He neither attempted
to rule the state as an authoritarian ruler nor had any desire to have total control
of wealth in Hsipaw. The princely couple devoted their time, money and energy to
establishing schools and hospitals for the community, which in turn helped them
to earn deep respect and reverence from their people. The very fact that they
allowed the children of their servants to go to the same school, the trilingual
Foundation School, vividly shows their deep sense
of sharing and equality in the community.
After
some adjustment period, Inge began to feel at home and became very comfortable
with her new surroundings, people, culture and language. Inge was officially
installed as Mahadevi (Celestial Princess) of Hsipaw in November 1957 and known
as Thusandi. She quickly became the Shan people’s princess that everyone relied
on, admired and respected for her dedication and sincere loving care. Inge and
Sao were well known and highly respected for their benevolence and support for
their people – for example, giving them an opportunity to have their voices
heard and helping them as much as was in their power to promote the living
standard of the Shan people.
In April 1959, Shan princes officially surrendered
their power to the Shan central government.[2] Sao Kya Seng was one of them but decided to
stay in politics and later became a Member of the Burmese Parliament. Rangoon was then
controlled by the military caretaker government. At that time, the Kuomintang
[KMT] [3]troops
attempted to seek refuge in Shan state after being defeated by the Chinese
communist party. The Burmese army was sent to the Shan State
to drive out the KMT troops. There came a strong Shan nationalist movement when
Shans were crushed between the KMT and Burmese troops as a result of the civil
war. A group of Shan insurgents, who were considered as separatists, organized
guerrilla units and began fighting against the Burmese army.
Sao perceived it as a dilemma: On one hand, he wanted
to strengthen the federal system in the country which would automatically solve
the insurgency problem by political means. On the other hand, these separatists
who wanted to secede were his own people. The democratically elected
government, headed by Prime Minister U Nu, was taking this concern of Shans
into serious consideration in 1960.
On 2 March 1962, General Ne Win, who was the commander
in chief of Burma’s armed forces, staged a military coup and detained many
politicians together with Shan leaders including Sao. He was detained
incommunicado at Bahtoo Myo with his house thoroughly searched, family put
under house arrest, servants jailed and all the means of communication cut off.
Inge described the traumatic experience in 1962:
Thusandi knew by the strange sounds that broke the
silence of the tropical morning that their dream was over, that the moment they
had expected for years had come… From the balcony she saw that the compound of
their residence, the East Haw, was surrounded by hundreds of armed Burmese
soldiers… For a few moments, she felt disbelief and utter loneliness… The
Burmese army had taken over the country and their troops wanted her permission
to search the East Haw…. She had to act honorably, in the spirit of her
husband. It was clear to Thusandi that from now she alone, the foreign born
princess, would have to provide strength, support and comfort for the Shan
people of Hsipaw. Above all, she had to protect her two little daughters and
wait for their father. She hoped desperately that he had gotten away, may be he
had left Rangoon
early and was on the way home. (pp. 2-3)
Under detention, Sao learned that the military government
wanted him to cooperate with the central government’s efforts to fight against
the Shan insurgents. His firm refusal to help the regime led to his murder at
the hands of the regime. Sadly, however, his death has never been confirmed
officially by the military government.
Knowing that it was no longer safe to remain in Burma, Inge
reluctantly began to pack to leave Burma with her two daughters in
1964. Her serious attempts to reach Ne Win through his Austrian psychiatrist
and several diplomats were not successful.
This is a story of a brave European woman who
unexpectedly became the princess in a foreign land but quickly became one of
the most respected women in Shan state because of her true loving care,
selflessness and heroine efforts for the people. It was rather striking to read
of her challenges and efforts in adjusting to her new life to become a part of
Shan history. Her courage and
determination to stand up against the ruthless dictator for her Shan people was
unusual in a country that had for so long suffered from the exploitation by foreigners.
She is the heroine who made a big difference in a foreign land. She has
continued to touch the lives of all Shan people with her caring hands. Inge is
very much a part of Shan history and always will be.
******************************
Interview with Inge Sargent (IS) on 27 July 2003 by Khin Oo (KO) and Daniel Metraux
(DM).
KO: You mentioned in your book that you were very touched by the unexpected grand
welcome by hundreds of people at Rangoon harbor in January of 1954. Also,
you talked about your intense feelings when you were forced to exile in 1964
with your two daughters after your husband died. Could you please compare and
contrast your unusual arrival and departure?
IS: When I first arrived Burma in the
beginning of 1954, everything was new to me. Sao was a ruling prince but I did
not know that until we got to Rangoon.
There was emotional anxiety – what the country was going to be like and what
the people were going to be like. Before Sao, I met only one Burmese female student
who did not wear Burmese clothes because of the cold weather in the US. For the
first time I saw women in longyis[4]
and aingyis[5] with
jewelry buttons, everything was overwhelming – in a way it was more beautiful
and colorful than I had ever expected. And people were welcoming their princess,
which happened to be me and I was just overwhelmed by people’s kindness.
When I left in 1964, I had not
only learned Burmese but also the Shan language. I just felt so much at home.
It was my country and they were my people. I had to leave for the sake of
trying to find out what had happened to my husband. For two years, I refused to
even think about leaving. It became very clear after the meditation that I had
to leave.
KO: Your husband was the Prince of the Shan State of Hsipaw. What kind of a man
was he? What did he do for his people? What was the role and responsibility of
the Prince of the Shan State at that time?
IS: One unusual thing about Sao
was, first of all, he was not raised as a ruler. He was a younger brother and
he was very fond of reading. Then in 1947, he was chosen over his brother and
made the ruler of the state. He felt that very little had changed in Shan state
since 40 BCE when the Hsipaw State
was founded. He felt that things had to
change and the only way to bring about change was by some kind of economic
development and by introduction of democratic principles.
He ruled as the
Sawbwa of Hsipaw for two years before he went to study in the U.S. He was the legislative,
administrative and executive leader of his state. At that time he was
responsible for everything in his State except for the following: foreign
affairs, foreign defense and the monetary system.
He decided to study at the Colorado
School of Mines in Golden, Colorado
near Denver. He asked the president of the school to hide
identity saying that: “I don’t want to be revealed as a prince. I just want to
learn what it is like to be in a country where everyone is equal.” He stayed
there for four years and the president kept his promise. While Sao was studying
in the US, the Chief Minister of Hsipaw State and a Special Administrator took
care of the running the State. We were
married in March 1953 in Denver,
Colorado, two months before Sao
Kya Seng graduated from the Colorado School of Mines.
When he returned home, he found
out that there were many things that he wanted to change immediately. He
founded a mining company for the people and did a lot for the agriculture
sector. I said, “I don’t know why you studied mining instead of agriculture.”
(Laughs) He really wanted help people improve their crops which would raise
their living standards. He showed the farmers what could be done to improve
production. He also worked on different mining projects especially lead and
silver. He really considered himself as a Peace Corps[6]
and he thought I would be the person to help him and I did. In a way, we were
little Peace Corps for the people – doing what needed to be done.
DM:
Any political reforms under his rule?
IS: Not really because he was not responsible for the entire Shan State, but there were times when he gave away his paddy fields and built schools. There were gambling places at pagoda festivals, he refused to approve more than absolutely necessary. He made it clear that he wanted very limited gambling in his state and his neighboring rulers did not like that. In a way, it was political. If anyone in his administration was found to be corrupt, he was dismissed immediately. Sao gave away a lot of his funds for social reforms.
KO:
I think he made some significant political reforms in a way that he, as a
democratic ruler, gave people the right to express themselves and have their
voices heard - which I think not many other rulers did.
IS: Yes, that’s right. Some of them did
not really like that – things like giving away paddy fields and power. The
Military was growing slowly at that time and they surely did not like a ruler who
was democratic. He also made political reforms by refusing to go along with
some old practices; for example, his decision to lead a simple life against
people’s expectations.
KO: You had an extraordinary life as a Shan princess. However, you lost your
husband, your loyal servants and everything because of General Ne Win. Finally,
you were forced to leave the country penniless with two children not knowing
how to survive in Austria. Considering all the trauma in the end, do you have
any regrets? If you could start all over again, would you still marry the prince
and go to Burma?
IS: Absolutely. I only lived
there for little over ten years. I feel like this is where I belonged in the
first place though I was born in Austria. My heart is still there
and I would definitely do it again. It was something that I had to do and I have
no regrets.
KO: Your husband, the prince and MP, was murdered by the military government led by General Ne Win. In your book, you stated that
he was killed after he had refused to collaborate with the government to fight
against the Shan insurgents. Do you think it was the only reason why he was
murdered?
Inge: Good question. At that time, the
Burmese military was getting stronger and stronger. They used KMT as an excuse
to come out and I had never seen any KMT because Hsipaw was close to Mandalay, not to China. Ne Win did not like anyone but a “Yes man.”
And Sao was not like that. He would speak his mind and was really the only one
at that time to speak up to say what was wrong. The army command under Colonel Chit Myaing was partly responsible for his
death. Chit Myaing, then the army commander in Larshio, knew that Ne Win did not like Sao and he was
encouraging it. Chit Myaing was close to Ne Win and he was saying all sorts of
things like I was the spy from the CIA after Ne Win had taken over in 1962. In
several instances, Ne Win ordered that he wanted to have gambling officially in
Shan state as he wanted the money. Sao refused to endorse it of course. That
was something that Ne Win never forgave him for. There was already some tension
and Sao would never do something that was against his principles and values.
That was one of the reasons why the army suspected him of much more than he
ever thought of. They suspected that we had guns and ammunitions and things
that we wished we had (Laughs).
KO:
You mentioned the tension between the prince and General Ne Win when he refused
to wait for his motorcade at the junction. Do you think this murder was in a
way personal attack from General Ne Win?
IS: Well, my interpretation is
that Ne Win wanted Sao dead and people like Colonel Lwin, then Chief of MIS,
knew that. They thought they were fulfilling Ne Win’s wishes because Sao was
the people’s leader and incorruptible. When Sao’s murder occurred, it was done by people who wanted to please Ne
Win. It is possible that the MIS chief did it without Ne Win’s order thinking
that was what he wanted him to do. I cannot say for sure because I was not
there but I knew that sooner or later they would do it.
KO: After your husband’s disappearance, you attempted to reach General Ne Win
through his Austrian psychiatrist and other diplomats. Moreover, you defied
the dictator and questioned his authority fearlessly. Given this situation,
what do you think of him?
IS: I think he is a liar and
coward though he is dead.[7] I
absolutely never had any respect for him and never will. For instance, Ne Win
was treated by the Austrian psychiatrist and he told him that Sao was alive. Ne
Win even produced a doctor who was supposed to be treating Sao. That was months
after Sao was killed. Ne Win was lying to his psychiatrist. (Laughs). So you just wonder how one could lie
to his doctor and his doctor firmly believed Ne Win.
KO: You personally met Prime Minister U Nu,[8] who was also a close friend of
your husband. How would you evaluate him as a Prime Minister?
IS: I knew him for a long time
and he also visited me in Colorado
in 1969. He was a good man but he was very naïve. He did not know what was
going to happen. That was my personal evaluation. Besides, he was so involved
in Buddhism.
KO: In your book, you mentioned that you did not find out about the death of
your husband until Bo Setkya came by and delivered the news that he was killed
near Ba Htoo Myo after several weeks of his arrest. The military government
denied the fact that they detained your husband and killed him. When did you
begin to accept the fact that your husband was murdered?
IS: It was probably while I
stayed in Austria.
I was in Burma
for two years after he died and I was supposed to be a CIA spy though I did not
know what CIA was and I was watched (Laughs). Anyhow, after two years, in May
1964, I left mostly because I saw that I could not do anything to find out what
had happened to my husband in the country. I went to Austria in 1964 and was employed by
the Thai embassy. At that time, I tried every avenue I could to find out what
had happened and it was during that time – after 2 years – that I began to
accept Sao was dead. Before that I refused to accept it and believed in what I
wanted to believe in. From Austria,
I contacted International Red Cross, U Thant,[9]
Austrian Foreign Minister and Amnesty International for help. The military
refused to admit that they had ever arrested Sao. Somehow, I realized that Sao
was dead. He once told me that if something ever happened to him, he wanted me
to take the children and leave to be with my parents in Austria. Then he would find me if he was alive.
KO: In your book, there is a section where the prince somewhat regretted his
decision to surrender his power and work with the Central government. What do
you think would happen if they hadn’t done this?
IS: Shan Sawbwas surrendered power to the Shan elected government – not to the
federal government, which was one of the misconceptions. But the military
government was really putting out false statements. Sao felt that if they waited
for ten years according to the Pinlong agreement, they would have been able to
leave the Union completely. But, Sao really believed in the federal system.
He felt that we really needed the power that the federal system would grant to
the States. The Government of the Union of Burma at that time took profits out
of these states and never gave anything back to the federal states. Sawbwas
volunteered to give up power but the timing was not right.
KO: You talked about the growing conflict between the federal states of the Union
and Burma proper back in 1950s and early 1960s. Do you think that the Shan State
should separate itself now and be an independent state? Let’s suppose, Burma
achieved democracy and the power was transferred to the civilian government.
Do you think federalism would work in that case?
Inge: Let me tell you, first of all, this military government has to go. After
that, I personally think, which is what Sao believed too, that federalism would
work. I don’t think a totally independent Shan State would work. But as Shan
Sawbwas stated, we wanted to be treated equally. I think a good fair federal
system would work in a country like Burma – where ethnic groups make up more than
half of the population.
KO: Let’s say – Burma was granted democracy and the legitimate civilian government
came into power. In your opinion, is it possible by any chance to restore
confidence and unity between ethnic groups and the government? If so, what
would be the first concrete step to accomplish this?
IS: It is possible but it will
take some time for confidence building. And what has to happen is that there
are a lot of young Shan people who know what is going on. They have to be given
their say. What I am afraid is that there will be lots of lugyis[10]
who would be saying what needs to be done. I think it is important that leaders
have to make sure that ethnic groups are heard. They will have to listen to and
hear ethnic minorities. That is the only way to restore confidence and unity.
Again, I am afraid that lugyis will go in and say, “I know what is good for
everybody.”
KO: You talked about how the Shan people suffered from the atrocities committed
by the military regime such as the rape against the Shan women. Unfortunately,
these tragedies still continue as we speak. As the former Shan Princess, do you
have any comment regarding this issue?
IS: I think that the military government could stop all the murder and rape
if they wanted to but they do not. That leads me to believe that they want
ethnic cleansing. According to the State Department Reports, it has happened
and it still is happening. 86% of the rapes were done by military commanders
in front of troops and 25% of women were killed. It is unbelievable. This goes
on and on and very little news is coming out.
In one incident, the military created a group of people who said they were from
International Red Cross and wanted follow up regarding the rape. It turned out
that they were military people. All the Shan people who reported what was going
on disappeared. It is unfortunate that this is happening now.
Basically, the military people are doing ethnic cleansing in any way they can.
There are ethnic tribes that are ravished by economic means and nobody helps
them. The military hopes that they will just die off. The regime keeps denying
the rapes. In one report, they admitted one incident and brought a military
officer to court once, but in other 624 cases, they do not admit it.
KO: You have continued to help the
people of Burma, particularly refugees, by establishing an
organization called "Burma Lifeline." Please tell us more about your
organization and the situation of refugees (from Burma) in border areas.
IS:
There are hundreds of thousands of refugees from Burma in Thailand and India. Burma
Lifeline is trying to help as many as possible. Most refugees consist of entire
families, mostly ethnic people who have had to choose between being killed by
the Burmese military or escaping across borders. We witnessed the misery of
those who managed to escape across minefields on our visits to Northern Thailand.
My second
husband
and I decided to help as much as we can.
We first sent funds through other organizations, then we formed our own
non-profit charity called Burma Lifeline.
Through
a trusted relative in the border area, we send donations collected mostly in
the US,
to the refugees from Burma. Once
they get across the border, they need food, shelter, clothing, medical care and
basic education for their children.
Without help, many refugees would not survive. Their misery will only be stopped when the
regime stops killing, raping, relocating or using as forced laborers or porters.
[Editor’s
note: Readers interested in learning
more about Burma Lifeline can go to:
www.
Burmalifeline.org ]
[1] Burma
encompasses seven states and divisions and many different nationalities such as
Kachins, Karens and Shans reside in Burma. The Shan state is located in
northern Burma
bordered along China
and Thailand.
There used to be 34 Shan Sawbwas or
princes who ruled different provinces in the Shan State
until April 1959. Sao Kya Seng was the hereditary ruler of the Shan State of
Hsipaw, approximately the size of Connecticut.
[2]
Christina Fink in her book Living Silence:
Burma Under Military Rule (New
York and London:
Zed Books, 2001) notes that the two key political issues facing Burma today are
the restoration of democracy and the resolution of the political rights of
ethnic minorities (p. 13). When Burma gained
its independence in 1948, the Shan state was one of four ethnic states that
were created. The Karenni and Shan
states were “accorded the right to secede after ten years with their status in
the union….(p. 22) Meanwhile, as 1958
approached, hereditary Shan Sawbwas, or
princes, and young Shan leaders began debating the status of the Shan states in
the public meetings. According to the
1947 constitution, the Shan Sawbwas could
continue to govern their territories as principalities, with representatives to
one of the two houses in the state council elected from the people and
representatives to the other selected among the princes. They also had the right to leave the union in
1958 if political integration wasn’t working out. The central government wanted them to stay in
the union, but among the Shans, feelings were mixed. Some princes close to the government
sup-ported the union, while many Shan students and farmers favored
independence.” (p. 27)
[3] Remnants
of the Chinese Kuomintang army fled into Burma after their defeat at the
hands of the Chinese Communist Party in the late 1940s. The KMT hoped to use Burma as a
staging ground for renewed attacks on the Communists.
[4]
Ankle-length wraparound skirt or sarong – part of Burmese dress for men and
women.
[5] Waist-length
blouse that Burmese women wear – traditionally fastened by jewelry buttons.
[6] Note:
The Peace Corps was founded by President Kennedy after Sao and Inge
started their work helping the people of Hsipaw. Therefore, her
references to the Peace Corps are, in a way, her own "afterthoughts.”
[7] Ne Win
died in December, 2002.
[8] U Nu (1907–95) was a Burmese nationalist
political leader and prime minister of Burma (1948–56, 1957–58,
1960–62). He was deposed by Ne Win in
1962.
[9] U Thant
(1909-1974) was appointed as Burma’s
Permanent Representative to the UN in 1957. In 1961, he became the Acting UN
Secretary General after Dag Hammarskjold’s death in a plane crash. He was
appointed as Secretary General in November 1962 in both the Security Council
and the General Assembly. He died of cancer in November 1974.
[10] Lugyi
in Burmese means a senior who supposedly has more knowledge and experience than
the young generation. In Burma,
like other Asian countries, seniority plays an important role in the society.
No comments:
Post a Comment