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Monday, August 26, 2013

The Acient Settlement of Sukhothai


The Ancient Settlement Of Sukhothai

Srisakra Vallibhotama

            In general the study of the ancient history of Thailand (that is, events from the thirteenth century A.D. onward) relies mainly on epigraphical, iconographical, and architectural sources, with a limited reference to local chronicles and myths. These resources, although admittedly inadequate in many respects, correspond very well with the myth of the Thai race migrating to Thailand from southern China. As a result, Thai history is commonly viewed as starting with the establishment of the first capital of Sukhothai by the Phra Ruang family sometime during the thirteenth century A.D. Sukhothai became an independent Thai state, shrugging off the Khmer yoke; shortly, in the reign of King Ram Kamhaeng, it extended its hegemony as far south as the Malay Peninsula. However, such a reconstruction of Thai history contradicts the fact that at the time there already existed several independent states, namely, Nakhon Sri Thammarat, Ayutthaya, Suparnabhum, and Lan Na, some of which outlived Sukhothai.
            Resolution of this contradiction requires not only an investigation of the nature of the Thai state and its interstate relationships, but also a through study of its geopolitical position and physical structure, which may enable one to understand its political structure. This article, focusing on the study of ancient settlements, is an attempt to bring to light the composition of the state of Sukhothai (that is, its cities and towns) and to see how these settlements interacted to keep the state alive or to cause its decline. Various ancient sites were mapped, surveyed, and studied to aid in understanding their dates and physical structures. In addition, documentary sources such as inscriptions; chronicles, and local myths were consulted to help place these ancient settlements into a historical perspective.

Fieldwork Study
            By consulting Sukhothai inscriptions I was able to designate the location of the state of Sukhothai in the lower basins of the rivers Ping, Yom, and Nan, that is, on the north of the Chao Phraya delta in the modern provinces of Nakhon Sawan, Pitchit, Kampaeng Phet, Pitsanulok, Sukhothai, Tak, Uttaradit, and Phetchabun. Although it is drained by three big rivers and their tributaries, this region is not fertile owing to the poor quality of its soils and the fluctuation of the rainy season. Sometimes rain comes so heavily that it causes inundation, which damages paddy crops and other agricultural products. By ground survey, with the help of aerial photographs, I have been able to identify the sites of thirty-eight moated settlements in the Sukhothai region. These sites have either irregular or regular shapes. They vary in size and structure from 350 meters in diameter (sites with a few religious monuments and traces of ponds and irrigation dykes) to over 1,500 meters in diameter (settlements with triple walls, large numbers of religious monuments, and networks of roads, irrigation channels, and ponds both large and small).
            Archaeological monuments, art objects, and inscription stones found at these sites indicate that urban settlements in this region developed sometime in the thirteenth century A.D. Unlike the settlements of the Chao Phraya delta and the northeast, which date back to the seventh century A.D., differences in the forms of the Sukhothai ruins cannot be used as a criterion to indicate which sites antedate the others. However, it appears that the oldest settlements are often surrounded with triple earthen walls, in contrast to these with a single brick or laterite wall that are likely to have appeared sometime during the late fifteenth century. With the exception of the city of Sukhothai, which is regularly oriented, the irregular, triple-walled sites resemble many ancient settlements in the Chiengmai and Chiengrai valleys in the north. As for the peculiarity of the city of Sukhothai, its geometrical plan was no doubt heavily influenced by the Khmer-type settlements of the northeast.
            Religious monuments and irrigation structures found in the settlements seem to indicate to a extent the hierarchy of their sociopolitical status and this can be used to establish three grades of settlements. The first type includes small-sized settlements, with or without traces of religious monuments; the second type is larger and is dotted with ruins of big religious monuments, ponds, irrigation bunds, and causeways; the third type is larger still, and is well defined by moats and walls ponds, and roads to connect the site with other communities. Above all, this the third kind of settlement is associated with prominent religious monuments, within and without the enclosed area. Based on evidence in the stone inscriptions and local chronicles, I identify the first kind of Sukhothai settlement with the muang, or town, and the third kind with the nakhon, or city. Due to the limits of space and time here, I will confine myself to delineating the structure of the nakhon, or city.
            Structurally, the sociopolitical status of the Sukhothai cities is marked first of all by two prominent types of religious monuments. The first type was built inside the city and will be called here the nagara-wasi wat, or city monastery. Such monasteries are characterized by a complex of religious monuments and buildings such as the stupas and vihara surrounded by walls and moats. Like the Khmer cities in the northeast, which are marked by the existence of either Hindu or Mahayana Buddhist prasat (towers) in the middle of the city, the most prominent and sacred stupa (phra mahadhatu, or the Relics of the Buddha) is found in the middle of the complex. Here was the center of the universe and the foci of sacredness, where the royal rituals were performed, and for long-lasting cities this stupa became an important, regional, pilgrimage site. The importance of the stupa of phra mahadhatu, which served to mark the social status of the city, is often emphasized not only in the Sukhothai inscriptions but in the poems and chronicles of Lan Na and Ayutthaya in the fifteenth century. However, the importance of the nagara-wasi wat was not centered on the wat alone but also extended to other wat built by the kings or rulers of the later periods. Probably the long existence of the city is attested to by the series of these nagara-wasi wat.
            The second type of prominent religious monument that served to mark the socio-cultural significance of the city are large wat located outside the city wall. These are usually of two types: (1)aranya-wasi wat, or monasteries of the forest-dwelling monks, the abode of the learned or high-ranking monks; and (2)the wat of the sacred object, notably the wat that enshrined the Buddha's Footprint, which is as a rule located on top of a small hill near the city. Like the nagara-wasi wat, the numbers of these wat vary according to the status and longevity of the city. In addition, large and important sites are often studded with ruins of lesser wat three to five kilometers from the city. These are the kam-wasi wat, or village monasteries, and each serves to mark the center of a village community.
            Apart from the wat and sacred sites already mentioned, the Sukhothai cities seem to possess unequal infrastructures in terms of irrigation works and communication systems. The extent of these systems seems to depend on the location of a particular city and its environment. Upland cities located far from the main river and other water resources are likely to be equipped with a sophisticated network of causeways, irrigation channels, and ponds, while those situated near a waterway are not to equipped. The ancient city of Sukhothai can be cited as a case in point. It is located on the border of an upland that stretches from a mountain range in the southwest to the Yom River about twelve kilometers to the east. Although there exist in this area some small rivers and streams, they seem to have been used as runoff channels rather than serving to detain or spread water to needed areas. Because of this, the city of Sukhothai is characterized by a large-scale irrigation network that makes its city plan unique and extraordinary compared with those of contemporary cities elsewhere. Often this causes some misunderstanding among historians who, after a superficial examination of the city plan, put forward the idea that Sukhothai was a hydraulic city. From my close observation of the city of Sukhothai, I would argue that its intricate irrigation network was not built for agriculture but mainly for trapping and storing water for consumption throughout the year. This, in my view, explains why Sukhothai is dotted with large numbers of big and small ponds.
            The irrigation works for paddy cultivation are limited to a few areas along the Mae Lam Pan River to the north and east of the city. One area, which I will call the na-luang, or the royal paddy field, is characterized by a large rectangular enclosure fenced by earthen bunds and equipped with fai (weir) and muang (irrigation channels) from the Mae Lam Pan River. The presence of such a structure is by no means an indication of large-scale paddy cultivation, but was used merely to provide surplus food for the inhabitants and ensure their survival in times of drought.
            Other interesting earthworks found among the settlements of Sukhothai are remains of ancient causeways. Formerly only the Phra Ruang Road, which links the cities of Kampaeng Phet, Sukhothai, and Sri Satchanalai, was widely known. During the course of my survey many more causeways have been discovered. They did not function only as a communication system, as do the roads and highways of the present day, but they also served as irrigation channels, draining or spreading water from one place to another. Such a function is illustrated clearly in an inscription found at Kampaeng Phet, which mentions a restoration of the thor-pu –phraya Ruang (the irrigation dyke and channel) that sent water from Kampaeng Phet to the paddy fields in the town of Bang Phan. Again, such irrigation works were meant to support the subsistence production of the towns and villages located in dry areas.

Historical Cities
            After studying all the fieldwork data and documentary evidence, I have developed a tentative proposition concerning the emergence and decline of the state of Sukhothai, as follows.
            Early in the late twelfth century A.D. the lower basins of the rivers Ping, Yom, and Nan were underpopulated due to poor soil and climate. But, as these areas were located on the trade route between the Me Khong and the Salween river basins, and between the old states of Haripunjaya in the north and Lavo in the central plain, two towns about fifty kilometers apart developed sometime during the thirteenth century on the west bank of the Yom River. These were Chalieng and Sukhothai. Evidence from their archeological monuments and objects leads me to believe that these towns were culturally and probably politically linked with the states of Lavo in the Chao Phraya delta and Angkor in Cambodia. According to inscriptions and myths, additional people, particularly from the Me Khong basin, migrated to this region, where they seem to have erected their villages and towns along the trade route. Finally, with some encouragement from the Khmer of Angkor, the small state of Sukhothai was formed under the leadership of the Phra Ruang family. According to the Sukhothai inscription No.2, four settlements (nakhon) were established along the rivers Yom and Nan. The first two towns, Sukhothai and Chalieng (later known as Sri Satchanalai), were rebuilt and elevated to the status of city. The other two, Sra Luang and Song Kwae, were located on the bank of the Nan River. The inscription mentions that the stupas of phra-maha dhatu were built in the cities. The states was united and consolidated in the reign of King Ram Kamhaeng, of the Phra Ruang family, during the late thirteenth century. This king, through his personal prowess, not only brought under his control the stubborn rulers of the cities and towns within his own state, but also extended his political power to other states nearby. At the same time he established friendships with such powerful states as Nakhon Sri Thammarat, Ayutthaya, Lan Na, and Angkor. Shortly after the death of Ram Kamhaeng, the state of Sukhothai began to decline. Thereafter, semi-independent cities and towns were ruled by descendants of the Phra Ruang family who competed for power.
            In the middle of the fourteenth century Sukhothai was united again under King Maha dharmaraja Lithai, who built more cities and towns along the Ping River in the provinces of Kampaeng Phet and Nakhon Sawan. The inscriptions mention that the king had the stupa of phra-mahadhatu built in the city of Nakhon Chum and the Buddha's Footprint erected on the mountain close to the towns of Muang Bang Phan and Muang Phra Bang. It was Lithai who initiated the custom of establishing the Buddha's Footprint as a sacred place outside the walls in addition to the stupa of phra-mahadhatu in the city. As a result the Buddha's Footprint became another status symbol of important towns and cities. At Sukhothai, the king had the Buddha's Footprint built on Khao Phra Bat Yai, a small hill to the southwest of the city, and he brought people from various conquered areas to worship there. In time more cities were established and reestablished all over the state and these were studded with the stupa of phra- mahadhatu in the form of a lotus pagoda.
            Later in the reign of King Lithai, an attempt to extend his political power over some countries in the east failed. He was blocked by King Ramathibodi I (King U Thong) of Ayutthaya who sent his army to capture the city of Song Kwae. Thus humiliated, Lithai had to beg for the return of the city. It is likely that by this time King Lithai was forced to remain in Song Kwae. Sukhothai was ruled by his sister, who later became a consort of Pha Ngua, U Thong's brother-in-law and general. This man, who was later crowned King Baromrajathiraj I of Ayutthaya, initiated a policy to divide Sukhothai into two halves. He abandoned King Lithai's city of Nakhon Chum and to replace it established Cha Kangrao, which was later called Kampaeng Phet, on the opposite bank of the Ping River. He had his stepson, Yanadit, probably the son of King Lithai's sister by her former husband, appointed as the ruler of Cha Kangrao. Cha Kangrao became a rival of Sukhothai and the two cities were often in conflict or at war. Sukhothai often invaded and captured Cha Kangrao, which provoked Baromraja (Baromrajathiraj I) to lead his army to Sukhothai to free his vassal city. The war between Baromraja and Sukhothai was well recorded in the Chronicle of Ayutthaya.
            According to its inscriptions, Sukhothai rose to power again under King Mahadharma raja III who had great monasteries like Wat Asokaram and Wat Sri Pichittraram built as landmarks in the city. But the resurgence seems to have been a short one, for after 1412 the state of Sukhothai came again under the sway of the ruler of Kampaeng Phet, the nephew of King Baromrajathiraj I of Ayutthaya. The state was broken into principalities and the king of Sukhothai moved to Song Kwae, while Kampaeng Phet became the dominant city of the region. With the ascension of Baromrajathiraj's nephew, Nakrindhraraja, to the throne of Ayutthaya, the whole Sukhothai country was brought under the rule of Ayutthaya. At the death of King Mahadharmaraja IV, who was regarded as the last king of Sukhothai at Song Kwae, Nakrindhraraja appointed his third son, Chao Sam Phraya, as ruler of Song Kwae. It is likely that during this period Nakrindhraraja had pottery kilns set up at Sukhothai and Sri Satchanalai (by this time known as Sawankalok) for large-scale export production. This king was, according to many myths and folktales, the Phra Ruang who went to China and brought the Chinese potters to Thailand.
            I would say that by the end of the fifteenth century A.D. the city of Sukhothai was no longer the principal city, having been replaced by Kampaeng Phet on the Ping and Song Kwae on the Nan River. It remained for a little while a religious town and industrial site serving Ayutthaya, then faded away sometime in the sixteenth century. The settlement destined to survive as the principal city of the region was Song Kwae, which was later rebuilt and enlarged by King Trailok, Nakrindhraraja's grandson, and came to occupy both banks of the Nan River. But by this time it was known by a new name, Pitsanulok.




Current Studies Of Tai In India



Current studies of Tai in India

Wilaiwan Khanittanan
Thammasat University

1. Introduction
            Of all the Tai minority groups from China, India and Myanmar, discussed at this conference, those in India are the smallest. However, their history, culture and languages are among the most interesting and well researched. In his comprehensive articles on "Thai" and "Tai" in the International Encyclopaedia of Linguistics, and "Tai Language: Varieties and subgroups Terms," Anthony Diller (1992) lists; Ahom, Aiton, Nora, Phake, Khamyang, Khamti and Turung, as South-western branch Tai languages of Assam in India. In another article, "Tai Languages in Assam: Daughters or Ghosts?," he describes Khamti, Phake, and Aiton as distinct "daughter" language. The rest are dying or dead, and Ahom is in a post-mortal "ghostly" state. The number of Tai speakers in Assam is estimated to be around 1.8 million. Research on the Tais in Assam in different fields has been carried out by local scholars, and by western and Thai researchers. In this paper we will briefly survey what research has been carried out on the language and culture of the Tais who are still speaking Tai in Assam.

2. Who are the Tais in India and where did they come from?
            At present, the Tais in India (living in the States of Assam and Arunachal Pradesh in the Northeast) may be divided into two grupos – those who use Tai language in their daily lives and those who do not. The first group (those who are still speaking Tai) live in remote rural areas – making their living as rice farmers. They are known by various names, such as – Phake Tai, Khamti Tai, Aiton Tai, Khamyang Tai or simply one of the preceding names without the word "Tai." These Tais are Buddhists. They share many traditions, customs, and aspects of culture. They live in the same Tai style houses, and they dress alike – especially the women. Minor differences of pattern and colour of clothing material are used to differentiate the groups however. They also have their own writing system. Their spoken languages, though somewhat different, are mutually intelligible. They all share the same writing system. A Phake person who reads and writes Phake Tai writing can read Khamyang Tai texts without difficulty. An Aiton person described the difference between Phake and Aiton writings in terms of the place where the text was found. If a text was from a Phake village, it was called "Phake writing." The same text would be called "Aiton writing" if it was from an Aiton village.

Tai Studies Proceedings 421-427
            Interestingly though, the Aiton spoken language has the sounds "b," "d," and "r" which are not represented in the writing of the other Tais in this group. These additional sounds from the Aiton Tai phonology make Aiton Tai writing closer to that of the Ahom.
            The second group no longer speaks Tai. The best known of this group is the "Ahom." They are said to be the descendants of the Ahom people who were rulers of the Ahom kingdom (now Assam), for about 600 years (Gait, 1905). According to Sir Edward Gait, the Ahom people came to the Brahmaputra valley in the year 1228 A.D about 400 years before the other groups. The Ahom were said to be Non-Buddhists at this time. Despite the large amount of shared vocabulary, their writing is different from that of the other groups and other Tais simply cannot read the Ahom writing.
            There are historical records (and other evidence) which prove that the Khamti, Aiton, Phake, and Khamyang Tais were from Burma. They crossed the Patkai mountain range, from the Burmese side, into Assam (Gait 1905; Gogoi 1971, Gogoi 1996). This is the same mountain range that the Ahom had used to enter Assam about 400 years earlier.

3. On the origin of the names Khamti, Phake, Aiton and Ahom
            All Tais in Assam (including the Ahom in Ahom Buranjis) refer to themselves simply as "Tai." The names; Ahom, Khamti, Phake, Aiton, and Khamyang – are used by another people to distinguish those Tai groups from one another. The names, however, are accepted by each and every group of the Tai themselves. Attempts have been made to explain the meanings and origins of the different names, i.e. Khamti, Phake and Aiton. We will not explain the meanings of these names here. Instead, we will attempt to explain the origin of the specific names in the light of a tradition still practiced among the Khamti Tais in Northern Myanmar.
            The Tai people in Myanmar appear to have been itinerant until recently due to both natural and social causes. Floods and other natural disasters have caused the Tais to move their villages to new sites time and again. In some cases intruders (such as the Khachin) moving into a Tai village would have caused the Tais to move to a new site. Although they have always been itinerant, the Tais in Myanmar have a tradition of keeping track of their people's movements. When people moved to a new village, they automatically adopted the name of their previous village as their clan's name. For example, in a village called Man Lung King, if a person is called Caw Noy Pang Lang, it means that he has moved from Pang Lang village. The next time he moves, he will use "Lung King" as his clan's name. The Khamti people in Assam are said to have immigrated from Muang Khamti Long in Myanmar – where Wilcox visited in 1826 (Gogoi 1971). They (or other Tais) must have maintained their tradition of keeping track of their previous homeland. Though the Khamti people are widespread throughout Assam and Arunachal Pradesh, and though they live among other peoples, in every place they are known by the same name – "Khamti" (the name of their previous homeland). Likewise, Khamyang, is the name of a place in Myanmar. It is, in fact, mentioned in the Ahom Buranjis that King Suekaa-pha took some people from Khamyang Gogoi, Dr. Puspadhar Gogoi (1996), cited the "Aiton District" in the Upper Chindwin Valley of Myanmar as the place of origin of the Aiton. Dr. B. Bandhumedha described (1977) receiving two explanations for the origin of the word "Aiton." According to one (by Dr. Grierson), "Aiton" was the name of a group of the Naga people with whom the Aiton had been living. The other explanation was from the Aiton themselves. They explained that they were living on a mountain called "Aiton" before they came to be where they were. When B. Bandhumedha (1980) wrote, "A brief history of Tai Phake," in the preface of her Phake-English-Thai dictionary she narrated the story of how the king of the Mau Kingdom sent "Chao Tai Seo" to rule a place called Hokong, which later turned into a town called "Meng Phake." After the Mau Kingdom fell, the Phake town fell into the hands of the Myanmarese. Phake Tais later migrated to Assam. Khamyang, Aiton and Phake thus appear to have originally come from the physical locations denoted by their present day names, but the people themselves appear to have forgotten how their names came about. This is probably because they no longer follow the tradition of keeping track of their people's migration. On our field trip to the Shan State in Myanmar (in March of this year) we visited a village called "Assam-Assan." A villager told us that the name of the village came from a British colonel from Assam who was stationed there. What does not fit very well with this explanation is that all the villagers there are Tai and that they normally call the State of Assam by the name "Wesali."
            The Myanmar Khamti tradition of keeping track of people's migration has shed some light on how the Tais in Assam came to have their present day names (at least for the Khamti, Phake, Aiton, and Khamyang). There is still a need for further research into the history of the "Assam-Assan" village (and some other place names) before we can really take advantage of this Khamti tradition. For the present however, we at least know that we are 'on the right track.' We know that the specific names of the Tai people's Northern Myanmar and Assam are related to the names of the places in which they lived prior to their migration.

4. Research on Tai languages in Assam
            Research related to various aspects of the languages and cultures of the Phake, Khamti and Aiton has been undertaken by local scholars as well as researchers from the West and Thailand:
J.F. Needham (1894), using the traditional approach, was the first person to study the grammar of the Tai Khamti language. He also presented some vocabulary and useful language samples used in court.
Grierson (1903) surveyed the Tai languages used in Assam and gave some language samples of all Tai languages there except the Phake.
Banjob Bandhumedha (1968, 1979, 1979 1987) presented phonological analyses of practically all Tai languages in Assam. She made several insightful comparisons between the vocabulary of the Tais in Assam and those of the Thai in Thailand. In 1987, she compiled a significant Phake-English-Thai dictionary.
Lila Gogoi (1971) contributed enormously to Khamti Tai studies in Assam. He presented the history, folklore, and life cycle culture of the Khamti in Assam in his book, The Tai Khamtis, from the viewpoint of a local scholar.
A.    Weidert (1977) published a book called "Tai-Khamti Phonology and Vocabulary."
Using generative phonology, he analysed the phonology of Khamti and presented a list of phonological rules and vocabulary.
In 1980, the author of this paper wrote an article called "Khamti Tai: from an SVO to an SOV Language." In 1983, she presented a sketch of Ahom and Phake grammars in one chapter of her textbook on historical linguistics.
B.J. Terwiel (1981) presented an excellent analysis of culture and the cultural heritage of the Tais in Assam, especially the Khamti, Phake, and Khamyang. He investigated certain life-cycle rituals and made an attempt to determine how much of Ancient Tai custom had been preserved by the Tais of Assam. He was thorough and methodical in his studies, and his work will, doubtless, remain a very important reference in the field of Tai Studies for a very long time to come.
Anthony Diller (1992) gave an excellent overview of the Tai language in Assam in "Tai Languages in Assam: Daughters or Ghosts?" Aside from the notes on the phonology of Khamti, Aiton, and Phake, he also presented useful notes on syntactic configuration and an Aiton ghost story transcription with Aiton orthography. He compared the phonologies and syntactic configurations of Khamti, Phake and Aiton to the writing system of the Ahom. A concise description of nominals and non-phrase components and verbs and verb phrase components was presented before a story with corresponding Tai orthography. In 1995 he wrote a comprehensive article, "Tai Languages: Varieties and Subgroup Terms," in which he gave a definitive taxonomic treatment of 197 Tai terms or languages.
Nomal Chandra wrote a Ph.D. dissertation, A Morphological Study of The Tai Phake Language (1995). Apart from the morphological analysis, he translated some lullabies, folk tales, and 430 words with some written language samples.
In 1996, Puspadhar Gogoi published. The Tai of North-East IndiaAhom, Khamti, Aiton, Turung and Khamyang, in which he described some customs and ways of life of the Tais in Assam and Arunachal Pradesh.
5. On-going Research on the Tais in Assam
            Currently, the Office of the National Culture Commission has commissioned research on the Tais in Assam. The three researchers are Kannikar Wimonkasem, Suntaree Phirunsarn and Wilaiwan Khanittanan. The research topics are:
1. Language shift.
            The language situation of the Tais in Assam affords an excellent opportunity for a language shift study. Ahom is now a dead language. Nobody uses it in daily life. Khamyang is dying with the younger generations being only semi-speakers or speaking only Assamese. Bilingualism, an indicatior of language shift, has been evident for a very long time in Phake, Aiton and Khamti villages.
2. Cultural change.
            Cultural change is inevitable with changing ways of life and language shift. Formerly, being Tai meant being rice farmers and Buddhists. Now Tais are living in cities and working as doctors, government officers, engineers, etc. Some marry Hindus and are no longer Buddhists. The 'bamboo culture' is changing fast. The culture of the Tais in Assam may be considered a 'bamboo culture' in the sense that they use a great deal of bamboo in their daily life. Unlike other Tais, most of the houses in Assam are built with bamboo – whole and split. Most receptacles used for storing rice, food and clothes are made from bamboo. The well-known 'khaw-lam' is sticky rice cooked in bamboo tubes. Pickled bamboo shoots are an essential part of marriage rituals and ceremonies. Other materials are now starting to replace bamboo. The younger generations no longer know all the different terms for different types of bamboo. Similarly, the words for different sizes and shapes for storage and measurement (especially of rice) are disappearing – despite the fact that Tai rice has been selling well amongst other ethnic groups.
3. Compilation of folklore and oral traditions.
            In addition to recording and compiling, comparison is being made between corresponding tales (e.g. "The Fish Mother" and "The Turtle Mother"; Puu Sorn Larn, "Grandfather Teaching Grandchildren;" Piak Khwan Words; "Words for Calling Back Khwan").

REFERENCES
Banchob Bandhumedha. 1961. Kalemantai. Bangkok: Language and Book Society.
BH. Krishnamurti et al. (eds.) 1981. "Kamti Tai: From and SVO to an SOV language."
South Asian Languages – Structure, convergence and Diglossia 174-178. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.
Biswas, Sukumar. 1966a. "The use of substantive verbs in Khamti." BPSC 6:130-136. (Acarya Sukumar Sen felicitation volume.)
Diller, Anthony. 1992. "Tai languages in Assam: Daughters or ghosts?" In Compton, Carol J. and John F. Hartmann eds., Paper on Tai Languages, Linguistics and Literatures: In Honor of William J. Gedney on his 77th Birthday, 5-43. DeKalb: Center for Southeast Asian Studies.
Gogoi, Lila. 1971. The Tai Khamtis. Chowkam: North-East Frontier Agency.
Gogoi, Puspadhar. 1996. Tai of North – East India. Assam: Chum Rhra Lang.
Grierson, Sir G.A. 1903. Linguistic Survey of India. Vol. 2. Calcutta: Office of the Superintendent of Government Printing.
Harris, J.G. 1976. "Notes on Hkamti Shan." In Thomas Gething et al. eds., TLHFKL 113-141
"Laksana phasa Thai Tai." Sangkhomsat Barithat Special Number (In Memory of Phya Anuman Rajadhon), 1964: 146-184. (in Thai)
M. Neog and M.M. Sharma Kumar Barua commemoration Volume 169-178. Gauhati: All India Oriental Conference, 22nd Session.
Needham, J.F. 1894. Outline Grammar of the Tai (Khamti) Language. Rangoon: Superintendent, Government Printing.
Saranat. 1954. Yiam Thai Ahom. Bangkok: Sathiaraphap Press. (in Thai)
Terwiel, B.J. 1980-1981. The Tai of Assam and Ancient Tai Ritual. (2 vols.) Gaya: Centre for South East Asian Studies.
Weidert. A. 1977. Tai-Khamti Phonology and Vocabulary. Beitrage zur Sudasien-Forschung, University of Heidelberg, 27. Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner.
Wilaiwan Khanittanan. 1983. Phasasat choeng prawat: wiwatthanakan Phasa Thai lae Angkrit. Bangkok: Thammasat University. (in Thai)

Monday, August 19, 2013

ကြမ္းလုံခရုိင္ (ေက်ာ္သူ)


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ausmfol
            vm;&Id;c&kdif oHvGifjrpf\ta&SUydkif;onf jrifhrm;aom awmifrsm;? rIdif;ndKYaomawmrsm; um qD;aeojzifh oGm;vmrIcufcJaom a'owpfckjzpfavonf/ ,if;a'oüum; &Srf;? ucsif? yavmif? ajrmif? w&kyf? vG,fv? v0? vm[kpaom wkdif;&if;om;awmifwef;om;rsm; aexkdifMuavonf/
            awmifapmif;? awmifurf;yg;? awmifxdyfrsm;ü &Gmrsm;wnfum awmif,mpkdufysKd;jcif;jzifh toufarG;Muavonf/ ,if;a'orSmawmawmifpdrfhprf;txyfxyfESifhaexkdifaomvlrsKd;vnf; pkH vifvSonf/ ,if;vlrsKd;wkdY\tavhtxESifhaexkdifqufqHrIonf xl;jcm;um pdwf0ifpm;zG,faumif; aMumif; awGY&avonf/ ,if;a'oonfum; ukd;uefYe,f? ajrmufydkif;0e,f? awmifykdif; 0e,frsm; yg0ifaom uGrf;vkHc&kdifjzpfavonf/
            uGrf;vkHc&kdife,fajrokdY vm;&Id;c&kdif odEéDrS armfawmfum;jzifhoGm;vQif a&mufEkdif\/ odkYr[kwf wm,ef;rSwqifh oHvGifjrpfudk jzwfausmfíaomf¤if;? rkdif;aumifrSwqifh oHvGifjrpfudk jzwfausmfí aomf¤if; oGm;a&mufEkdifavonf/
            vm;&Id;c&kdif odEéDrS um;jzifhoGm;vQif a&S;OD;pGm rkdif;aumif&GmodkY a&mufavonf/ rkd;aumif &Gmukd vGefvQif erfhpvyf&Gma&mufavonf/ rkdif;aumif&GmESifherfhpvyf&GmrSm erfhpvyfacsmif;u jcm; xm;avonf/ erfhpvyf&GmwGif v,fuGufrsm;&Sdavonf/ &Gmr0ifrD acsmif;udk jzwf&avonf/ &Srf; ESifh,leefw&kyf trsm;tjym; aexkdifMuavonf/
            erfhpvyfü ylus,fac: &GmolBuD;&Sdavonf/ erfhpvyf&Gmudk ausmfvGefNyD; twefMumvQif um;vrf;ay:rS em;wD;&Gmudk vSrf;íjrif&avonf/ em;wD;&Gmum; awmifrsm; 0kdif;&Hxm;avonf/ &Gmr0ifrD acsmif;udk jzwf&avonf/ &Srf;ESifh,leefw&kyfrsm;onf em;wD;&Gmü aexkdifMuavonf/ em;wD;&Gmywf0ef;usifwGif ucsifESifhvDa&SmvlrsKd;rsm; aexkdifMuavonf/
            em;wD;&GmvGefvQif um;vrf;\ajrmufzufwGif erfheif;acsmif;onf¤if;?  awmifbufwGif awmifqifajcavQmonf¤if; ,SOfvsuf&SdNyD; pdrfhBuD;? NrdKifBuD;? opfBuD;? 0g;BuD;rsm;udk awGY&avonf? awmiSufaysmyifrsm;udkvnf; rMumcP awGY&avonf/ erfheif;acsmif;ESifhawmifurf;yg;,Hrsm;onf [dkvd&Gma&mufonftxd awmifESifhajrmuf,SOfvsuf wef;aeMuavonf/
            [dkvd&GmwGif ,leefw&kyfrsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ [dkvd&GmrS xGufvQif oHvGifjrpfESifherfheif; acsmif;aygif;qkHonfudk awGY&avonf/ [kdvd&GmrSxGufí twefMumvQif oHvGifjrpfudk jzwfausmf aqmufvkyfxm;aom uGrf;vkHwHwm;BuD;odkYa&mufavonf/ uGrf;vkHNrdKUrSm oHvGifjrpf\vuf0Jwpf zufurf;ay:ü wnf&Sdonfjzpfí uGrf;vkHwHwm;ukd jzwfausmfoGm;&avonf/
            uGrf;vkHNrdKUrS armfawmfum;jzifh (34)rkdifcefY ajrmufydkif;odkYoGm;vQif udk;uefYe,fjzpfaom qif udkifodkYa&mufavonf/ qifudkifü udk;uefYw&kyfrsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ qifudkifywf0ef;usifü &Gm rsm;&Sdavonf/ qifudkife,fü a&&Sm;yg;\/ uefa&ukd aomufokH;Mu&avonf/ qifudkifonf aps; &Sdaom &GmBuD;wpf&Gm jzpfavonf/ qifudkifrS taemuf(2)rkdifcefYoGm;vQif uswåvif;&GmodkYa&muf avonf/
            qifudkifrS ajrmufzufawmifwef;BuD;udk ausmfvkdufvQif wma&TwefESifhqkHuef&GmodkY a&muf avonf/ udk;uefYe,fonf awmifuwkH;ESifhausmufawmifrsm; jzpfavonf/ qifudkif ra&mufrD v,fuGufrsm;udk awGY&avonf/ bdef;ESifhvzufudk pkdufysKd;Muavonf/ avSum;xpfv,frsm;ü pyg;pkdufavonf/ pyg;onf 0rf;pmtwGufyif rvkHavmufay/ ajymif;rsm; pkdufysKd;um ajymif;ESifh qefa&mí pm;aomufMu&avonf/
            uGrf;vkHNrdKUrSm oHvGifjrpf\vuf0Jbufurf;ay:ü wnf&SdNyD; ukd;uefYw&kyfrsm; trsm;tjym; aexkdifMuavonf/ uGrf;vkHNrdKUrSwpfqifh erfhwifacsmif;udk jzwfum awmifydkif;odkY (12)rkdifcefYum; jzifhoGm;vQif 0e,fjzpfaom [kdyefodkYa&mufavonf/ [dkyefü &Srf;ESifhvG,fvlrsKd;rsm; aexkdifMuav onf/
            [kdyefrS um;jzifh awmifbufodkY (25)rkdifcefYoGm;vQif yefvkHodkY a&mufavonf/ [kdyefESifhyef vkHMum;ü yefaumuf&Gm &Sdavonf/ ,if;&Gmü ucsifrsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ [kdyefESifhyefvkHMum; wGif v,fuGufrsm; awGY&avonf/ awmifapmif;ü avSum;xpfv,frsm; pdkufysKd;Muavonf/ yef vkHü tdrfajc(200)cefY&SdNyD; vlOD;a&(2000)cefY&Sdavonf/ yefvkHwGif w&kyfvlrsKd;rsm;avonf/ vG,f vtenf;i,fudkom awGY&avonf/ yefvkHNrdKUpm;onf vG,fvvlrskdK;jzpf\/
            [kdyefESifhyefvkHMum; yefaumuf&GmrSwqifh ta&SUbufodkYoGm;vQif usifcsef;&GmodkY a&mufav onf/ usifcsef;&Gmü cP&yfem;NyD; vlzefYawmifxdyfpcef;odkY wufa&mufEkdifavonf/ usifcsef;ukd a&S;tcgu ]wkefYqGyfyg}(ig;yg;pyfuGif;jyif)[kac:a0:Muavonf/ w&kyfrsm; vma&mufaexkdif&m w&kyfvlOD;a& rsm;jym;vmojzifh ae&if;vG,fvrsm;onf tjcm;ae&ma'oodkY ajymif;a&TUoGm;&av onf/ ,if;&Gmukdvnf; w&kyfa0g[m& usifcsef;(a&TwGif;)[k emrnfajymif;vJac:a0:awmhonf/
            w&kyfrsm;onf a&Twl;&ef vma&mufaexkdifMujcif; jzpfavonf/ vlzefYawmifwGif a&S;tcg u a&TESifhaiG wl;NyD; zkdxkd;MuaMumif; ajymqkdMuavojzifh vlzefYawmifwGif wGif;a[mif;rsm;ukd ,ck wkdifawGYMu&avonf/ er®wlabmfwGif;ukrÜPDonf vlzefYawmifudk oGm;a&mufpkHprf;cJhzl;avonf/ vl zefYawmifay:ü t*FvdyfESpf 1934-ckESpfwGif  0efaxmuf&kH;pkdufcJhavonf/
            usifcsef;rS qufvufoGm;vQif refY[def;? a&mifvkduf&Gmrsm;udk a&mufavonf/ refY[def;&Gm wGif v0vlrsKd;rsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ a&mifvkduf&GmrSm &Gmi,fjzpfavonf/ a&mifvkduf&GmrS t a&SUbuf 10-rkdifcefYwGif w&kyfjynfolYor®wEkdifiHudk awGYjrif&avonf/ a&mifvkduf&Gmta&SU 2-rkdif 3-rkdifcefYwGif&Sdaom erfhuGef;acsmif;teD;wGif a&TxGufaMumif; Mum;od&avonf/ yefvkH&GmrSwpfzef taemufzufodkY um;jzifhoGm;vQif em;0D;okdYa&mufavonf/ vG,fvvlrsKd; aexkdifavonf/ em;0D; apmfbGm;&Sd\/ aps;vnf; &Sdonf/ &Gmi,fwpfckyif jzpfavonf/
            yefvkHrS ta&SUawmifbufodkYoGm;vQif rkdif;armokdYa&mufavonf/ rkdif;armü vG,fvESifhv0 rsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ vG,frl;awmifrS pD;qif;onfhacsmif;rsm;udk awGY&avonf/ rkdif;armrSm ajrmufydkif;0e,f&Sd apmfbGm;NrdKUpm;rsm;\awGYqkH&m A[dktcsuftcsmjzpfí pnfum;avonf/ rkdif; armrS ta&SUawmifodkYoGm;vQif em;zefodkYa&muf\/ em;zefonf ajrjyefYjzpfí &Srf;vlrsKd;rsm; aexkdif Muavonf/ v,fuGufrsm;ukdvnf; awGY&avonf/
            em;zefrS ta&SUbufodkY oGm;vQif Aif;iifodkYa&mufavonf/ Aif;iifü apmfbGm;&Sdavonf/ vG,fvESifhv0rsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ &Gmi,fuav;yif jzpf\/ Aif;iifrS ta&SUodkY 5-rkdifcefYoGm; vQif refzefYodkY a&mufavonf/ refzefYonf awmifxdyfay:ü wnfxm;aom&Gmjzpfavonf/ vG,fv ESifhv0rsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ refzefYonf &GmBuD;wpf&Gmjzpfí aps;vnf;&Sdavonf/ aps;aeYrsm; ü uspfqHNrD;t&SnfESifh0vlrsKd;rsm; vma&mufMuavonf/ refzefYrS taemufzufodkY vSrf;arQmfMunfh vkdufvQif Aif;iif&Gmuav;udk jrif&avonf/ ta&SUbufodkY vSrf;arQmfMunfhvkdufvQif w&kyfjynfolY or®wEkdifiHudk jrif&avonf/
            rkdif;armrSwpfqifh ta&SUajrmufodkYoGm;vQif yef0kdif;odkYa&mufavonf/ yef0dkif;onf awmif urf;yg;ay:ü wnfxm;aom &Gmjzpfavonf/ yef0kdif;rS ta&SUbufodkY arQmfMunfhvQif w&kyfjynfolY or®wEkdifiHe,fajrudk jrif&avonf/
            rkdif;armESifhem;zefta&SUü qkHu&refa'o&Sdavonf/ a&S;tcgu xkda'oü acgif;jzwfaom 0vlrsKd;tcsKdU aexkdifMuonf[k od&Sd&avonf/ vwfwD;,m;&Gmonf xkd0vlrsKd;rsm; aexkdifMuaom &Gmjzpfavonf/ &Gmukd ausmufrsm;jzifh &Gmpnf;&kd; um&Hxm;avonf/ &Gm0ifaygufvnf; wckwnf; &Sdavonf/
            ajrmufydkif;0e,fum; rkdif;armftvGef vkHcGtxd jzpfavonf/ vkHcGudk ausmfvGefaomf awmif ydkif; 0e,fjzpfavonf/ awmifydkif; 0e,fwGif rkdif;vGef;e,fESifharmfze,frsm; yg0ifavonf/ rkdif; vGef;apmfbGm;onf yef&rf;ü aexkdifcJhavonf/ yef&rf;vufatmufü armfze,f yg0ifavonf/ armfze,fwkdufolBuD;onf bdefan§mif&GmwGif aexkdifaeavonf/ armfze,frSm us,fjyefYNyD; awmif rsm; xlxyfonfhjyif awmifwef;wpfckESifhwpfck qufpyfrIr&SdbJ twuftqif; tvGefrsm;jym; aMumif; awGY&avonf/
            armfze,fwGif vm[kvlrsKd;trsm;tjym; aexkdifMuavonf/ vm[kvlrsKd;rsm;onf bkd;bGm; pOfvmtavhudk rzsufvkdMuay/ bmoma&;ü udkif;&Idif;&kdaoMuavonf/ bk&m;wpfqlwnf;ukdom udk;uG,fMuavonf/ bk&m;wpfqlonfvnf; yGifhNyD;jzpfí vSnfhvnfum w&m;a[mavonf/ t*F vdyfESpf 1927-ckeSpfwGif usKdif;wkHc&dkif rkdif;qwfü bk&m;yGifhcJhavonf/ armfze,fonf awmifbuf wGif usKdif;wkHc&kdif rkdif;jyif;NrdKUe,fESifhqufpyfvsuf&Sdavonf/
            awmifydkif;0e,fodkY wm,ef;rS oHvGifjrpfudk jzwfausmfí¤if;? rkdif;aumifrS oHvGifjrpfudkjzwf í¤if; oGm;&avonf/ vm;&Id;NrdKUrS vm;&Id;-ausmufrJum;vrf;twkdif; awmifbufokdY 7-rkdifcefY oGm;vQif wm,ef;okdYoGm;aomvrf;cGJodkYa&mufavonf/ xkdvrf;cGJtwkdif; ta&SUbufodkYqufoGm; vQif wm,ef;odkY¤if;? rkdif;&,fodkY¤if; oGm;Ekdifaomvrf;qkHodkYa&mufavonf/ wm,ef;odkYoGm;onfh vrf;twkdif; qif;oGm;vQif rkdif;ywf&GmodkYa&mufavonf/ rkdif;ywf&Gmonf &Srf;&Gmjzpfavonf/
            rdkif;ywf&Gmra&mufrD rkdif;ywfacsmif;udk jzwfausmf&avonf/ xkdacsmif;rS a&jzifh rkdif;ywf w0kdufü v,frsm; pdkufysKd;Muavonf/ rkdif;ywfvGefvQif refuwf&GmokdYa&mufavonf/ refuwf&Gm ausmfvQif refuwfacsmif;udk jzwfí aqmufxm;aomBudK;wHwm;ukd awGY&avonf/ refuwfausmf NyD;aemuf wm,ef;NrdKUokdY a&mufavonf/ wm,ef;NrdKUwGif yef;ao;w&kyftrsm;tjym; aexkdifMu onfukd awGY&avonf/ wm,ef;rS awmifbufodkY um;jzifh 24-rkdifcefYoGm;vQif rkdif;aumifodkYa&muf avonf/
            wm,ef;rS wkH[l;ul;wkdYqdyfudk jzwfausmfNyD; ta&SUbufodkYoGm;vQif refrefqkdifodkYa&mufav onf/ refrefqkdifonf &GmBuD;jzpf\/ vG,fvrsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ aps;vnf;&Sd\/ rkdif;aumifrS wrmqGeful;wkdYqdyfudk jzwfausmfNyD; ta&SUbufodkY oGm;vQif yef&rf;odkYa&mufavonf/ yef&rf;ü vG,fvrsm;aexkdifMuavonf/ yef&rf;rS ta&SUodkY oGm;vQif yefqef;odkYa&mufavonf/ yefqef; onf erf;cacsmif;\ta&SUaemufzufbufü wnf&Sdavonf/ w&kyfjynfolYor®wEkdifiHudk vSrf;íjrif &avonf/ yefqef;ü &Srf;vlrsKd;rsm; aexkdifMuavonf/ qefpyg; pkdufysKd;Mu\/
            0e,fonf c&D;oGm;vmrIcufcJí tkyfcsKyfa&;ckdifcdkifrmrm tajccscJhonfudk rawGY&ay/ t xufjrefrmEkdifiHudk t*Fvdyftpkd;& odrf;ydkufNyD;aemuf t*FvdyfESpf 1892-93-ckü &Srf;jynfajrmuf ykdif;ta&;ykdif ]paumh}onf 0e,fajrodkY c&D;xGufcJh&m taemufrkdif;vGef;e,fodkYa&mufavonf/ xkd tcsdefwGif ta&SUrkdif;vGef;ESifhtaemufrkdif;vGef;e,ftBuD;tuJjzpfaom wkHqkdifonf taemufrkdif; vGef;e,fwGif apmr[m ykefuefx<uaeojzifh t*Fvdyftpkd;&xH tultnDawmif;cHcJhavonf/
            apmr[monf t*Fvdyftpkd;&xH vufeufcs0ifa&mufjcif;r&Sdojzifh wkHqkdifudk rkdif;vGef;e,f ü tBuD;tuJtjzpf cefYtyfcJhavonf/ paumhonf taemufrkdif;vGef;e,frSwqifh ajrmufydkif;0e,f rsm;udk jzwfoef;um rkdif;arm? yefvkHpaom e,frsm;udk a&mufavonf/ paumhonf 0e,fapmfbGm; NrdKUpm;rsm; t*Fvdyftpdk;&xH 0ifa&mufaqmif&Gufapjcif;rSwpfyg; rnfonfhtkyfcsKyfa&;udkrQ pDrHcJh jcif; r&SdcJhay/
            t*FvdyfESpf 1934-35-36-ckESpfrsm;ü 0efaxmuf]ay:wm}onf¤if;? 0efaxmuf]tkd(*)'if} onf¤if; 0e,ftwGif;odkY c&D;xGufcJhavonf/ odkY&mwGif ¤if;wkdYtkyfcsKyfaom e,fajra'ot aMumif;od&kHrSvGJí taMumif;rxl;cJhay/ t*FvdyfESpf 1934-ckESpfü 0e,ftwGuf 0efaxmufwpfOD; onf ajrmufydkif;0e,f vlzefYawmifay:ü &kH;pkdufcJhavonf/ t*FvdyfESpf 1935-ckESpfa&mufvQif  awmifydkif;0e,ftwGuf qkHvkHü 0efaxmufwpfOD; &kH;pkdufcJhavonf/ qkHvkH&Gmudk yef&rf;rSoGm;&av onf/ ,cktcg qkHvkH&Gmum; &GmysufjzpfaeavNyD/ 'kwd,urÇmppfBuD;NyD;onfhaemuf t*Fvdyftpkd;& vufxufwGif ajrmufydkif;0e,f0efaxmuf&kH;udk rkdif;armü¤if;? awmifydkif;0e,f0efaxmuf&kH;udk yef &rf;ü¤if; toD;oD;xm;&SdcJhavonf/
            0vlrsKd;rsm;onf c&D;vrf;qufoG,frI cufcJojzifh rdrde,fajr\jyifytajctaersm;ukd r awGYjrif&ay/ ,if;aMumifh aexkdifrIpHepfonf acwfESifhavsmfnDjcif;r&SdbJ xl;jcm;aeavonf/ ¤if; wdkY\t"dupkdufysKd;a&;onf bdef;jzpfonf/ pm;aomuf&mü qm;? yJykyf? i&kwf? awmiSufaysmzl;? t rJypfí&aom &SOfhESifhiSufrsm;udk pm;aomufMuavonf/ zsm;emvQif bdef;udk aq;tjzpf rSD0JMuav onf/ a&S;tcgu tcsKdUaom 0vlrsKd;acgif;jzwfonfhtavhrSm ,ZfylaZmfjcif;jzifh pyg;ykdrkdxGuf&Sd&ef &nf&G,f&if;jzpfaMumif; pkHprf;od&Sd&avonf/
            ajrmufydkif;0e,fESifhawmifydkif;0e,frsm;onf tvGefus,fjyefYaome,frsm; jzpfavonf/ awmawmifvnf; xlxyfavonf/ aexkdifaom 0vlrsKd;? vm[lvlrsKd;paom wkdif;&if;om;rsm;onf awmifudk trSDo[JjyKum toufarG;0rf;ausmif; &SmMuaom awmifay:om;rsm; jzpfMuavonf/ þawmifrsm;udk rnfonfhtcgrQ pGefYcGmoGm;Muvdrfhrnf r[kwfay/ þawmifrsm;onfvnf; jynf axmifpkjrefrmEdkifiH\tumt&HwHwkdif;rsm;ozG,f tm;xm;&ayonf/ uREkfyfwkdYonf þawmifrsm; udk trSDo[JjyKaeMuonfhaoG;csif;om;csif;rsm;tm; pnf;&kH;pkpnf;vsuf jynfaxmifpkBuD;\tif tm;ckdifrma&;udk aqmif&GufMuygpkdY. . . /
ausmfol

rSwfcsuf/          /1971-ckESpf? azaz:0g&Dvxkwf jr0wDr*¾Zif;? pmrsufESm(61 rS 65 xd)üvm&Sdaom aqmif;yg;udk jyefvnf&kdufESdyfxm;ygonf/